People of the Million Woman March: Organizers and Speakers

Overview

The Million Woman March, held on October 25, 1997, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, stands as one of the largest mass gatherings of Black women in American history. Unlike many high-profile marches of the era, it was not convened by established civil rights organizations or political parties but was the vision of two local community activists, Phile Chionesu and Asia Coney. Their call for Black women to unite, heal, and demand justice resonated across the nation, drawing an estimated half-million participants to the Benjamin Franklin Parkway. The event featured a diverse array of speakers—from South African anti-apartheid icon Winnie Madikizela-Mandela to U.S. Representative Maxine Waters, actress Jada Pinkett Smith, rapper Sister Souljah, and veteran civil rights leader Dorothy Height. This article profiles the key people behind the march, examines their motivations and contributions, and situates the gathering within the broader landscape of late 20th-century Black women’s activism.

The march was notable for its decentralized, grassroots organizing model. Chionesu and Coney deliberately eschewed corporate sponsorship and mainstream media promotion, relying instead on word-of-mouth, church networks, and Black-owned radio stations. The result was a movement that felt authentically of and for the community, though it also sparked debates about leadership, representation, and the role of established organizations. The speakers’ messages emphasized self-reliance, political empowerment, economic justice, and the need to combat negative stereotypes of Black women. The event’s platform, a 12-point agenda, addressed issues from health care and education to violence against women and environmental racism. This article draws on oral histories, contemporary news accounts, and subsequent scholarship to provide a comprehensive portrait of the individuals who made the Million Woman March a watershed moment.

Historical Background

To understand the people of the Million Woman March, one must first appreciate the long tradition of Black women’s organizing in the United States. From the anti-slavery societies of the 19th century to the club movement of the early 20th century, Black women had consistently formed their own institutions to address the dual burdens of racism and sexism. The National Association of Colored Women (NACW), founded in 1896, and the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW), established in 1935 by Mary McLeod Bethune, provided models of collective action. During the civil rights movement, women like Fannie Lou Hamer, Ella Baker, and Septima Clark were indispensable grassroots organizers, though their contributions were often marginalized in male-dominated leadership structures.

The 1970s and 1980s saw the rise of Black feminism and womanism, intellectual and political frameworks that centered the experiences of Black women. The Combahee River Collective’s 1977 statement articulated the need for an intersectional approach to oppression. Writers like Alice Walker, Audre Lorde, and bell hooks challenged both the white feminist movement and the Black nationalist movement to address sexism and homophobia. By the early 1990s, Black women were increasingly visible in politics, academia, and popular culture, yet they still faced systemic inequalities. The 1991 confirmation hearings of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, in which Anita Hill’s testimony about sexual harassment was dismissed, galvanized a new wave of political consciousness.

The immediate precursor to the Million Woman March was the Million Man March of October 16, 1995. Organized by Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan, that event brought hundreds of thousands of Black men to Washington, D.C., for a day of atonement and recommitment. While many Black women supported the march’s goals, some were troubled by its male-only focus and Farrakhan’s controversial rhetoric. In its aftermath, discussions began about the need for a comparable gathering that would center Black women’s voices and concerns. Several local women’s marches were held in 1996 and early 1997, but none achieved the scale of what was to come.

Why It Was Organized

The Million Woman March was conceived as a response to the specific challenges facing Black women in the 1990s. Welfare reform legislation in 1996, the escalating war on drugs, mass incarceration, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic disproportionately affected Black communities, with women often bearing the brunt of these crises. Negative media portrayals—from the “welfare queen” stereotype to the demonization of young Black mothers—fueled a desire for self-definition. Organizers sought to create a space where Black women could articulate their own agenda, free from the control of political parties, foundations, or male-led organizations.

Phile Chionesu, a Philadelphia-based community activist and small business owner, described the march as a call for “unity, healing, and empowerment.” She emphasized that it was not a reaction to the Million Man March but a proactive effort to address the needs of Black women and children. The march aimed to:

• Counter negative stereotypes and promote positive images of Black women.
• Demand justice for Black women and children who were victims of violence and systemic neglect.
• Foster economic self-sufficiency through support for Black-owned businesses and cooperative economics.
• Address health disparities, including breast cancer, heart disease, and mental health.
• Promote educational excellence and political participation.
• Build bridges across class, regional, and ideological lines within the Black community.

The organizers explicitly rejected the notion that the march was separatist or anti-male. Men were welcome to attend, and many did, but the focus remained on women’s leadership and experiences. The event was framed as a spiritual as well as political gathering, with an emphasis on prayer, ancestral remembrance, and cultural celebration.

How Organizing Began

The origins of the Million Woman March can be traced to a series of conversations between Phile Chionesu and Asia Coney in early 1997. Chionesu, who ran a African-centered bookstore and cultural center in Philadelphia, had long been involved in community organizing around issues of police brutality, education, and economic development. Coney, a housing activist and mother, shared her passion for grassroots mobilization. Together, they began to envision a national gathering that would be organized by and for everyday Black women, not by professional activists or celebrities.

Their approach was deliberately unconventional. With no major funding, no paid staff, and no endorsement from established civil rights groups, they relied on a network of volunteers and community organizations. They distributed flyers in beauty salons, churches, and community centers. They utilized Black-owned radio stations and independent newspapers to spread the word. A national steering committee was formed, with coordinators in dozens of cities who organized buses and caravans to Philadelphia. The decentralized structure allowed for local autonomy while maintaining a unified message.

The organizing process was not without challenges. Mainstream media outlets were initially dismissive, and some questioned the legitimacy of a march led by relatively unknown figures. Established organizations like the NAACP and NCNW were initially hesitant to endorse the event, leading to tensions that would later become public. The city of Philadelphia initially denied a permit for the march, citing logistical concerns, but after negotiations and public pressure, the Benjamin Franklin Parkway was secured. The organizers’ persistence and the growing grassroots enthusiasm eventually forced broader recognition.

What Happened During the Event

On the morning of October 25, 1997, under clear autumn skies, women began gathering at the Philadelphia Museum of Art. The crowd, predominantly Black women of all ages, stretched from the museum steps down the Benjamin Franklin Parkway toward City Hall. Many wore white as a symbol of unity and carried signs with messages like “Black Women United” and “Justice for Our Children.” The atmosphere was described by participants as electric, a mix of political rally, religious revival, and family reunion.

The program lasted over eight hours and featured a blend of speeches, musical performances, and prayer. The order of speakers was carefully curated to reflect the diversity of Black women’s experiences. The day opened with a libation ceremony honoring ancestors, followed by greetings from local organizers. The keynote address was delivered by Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, the South African anti-apartheid activist and then-president of the African National Congress Women’s League. Her presence electrified the crowd, and her speech linked the struggles of Black women in the United States to those on the African continent.

Other notable speakers included Congresswoman Maxine Waters, who delivered a fiery call for political action; Jada Pinkett Smith, who spoke about the responsibilities of young Black women; Sister Souljah, whose uncompromising rhetoric challenged systemic racism; and Dr. Dorothy Height, the venerable leader of the NCNW, whose participation signaled a bridge between the grassroots and the established civil rights establishment. Musical performances by artists like Patti LaBelle and local choirs added to the celebratory mood. The event concluded with a collective pledge to continue the work of building a movement.

Key People

The Million Woman March was shaped by a wide array of individuals, from the national co-chairs to the speakers and local coordinators. The following table highlights some of the most prominent figures.

Beyond the national stage, thousands of local organizers, bus captains, and volunteers made the march possible. Women like Brenda Joyce of Detroit, Gloria Williams of Atlanta, and Sharon Johnson of Chicago coordinated transportation and outreach in their communities. Their names may not appear in history books, but their labor was the backbone of the event.

Platform and Issues

The Million Woman March was guided by a 12-point platform that addressed the interconnected issues facing Black women and their communities. The platform was developed through months of consultation with grassroots groups and reflected a holistic vision of justice. Key demands included:

• Justice for Black Women and Children: An end to police brutality, the prison-industrial complex, and the criminalization of Black youth.
• Economic Empowerment: Support for Black-owned businesses, cooperative economics, and reparations for the legacy of slavery and discrimination.
• Health and Wellness: Access to quality health care, including reproductive services, mental health support, and holistic healing practices.
• Education: Equitable funding for public schools, Afrocentric curricula, and lifelong learning opportunities.
• Political Power: Voter registration, campaign finance reform, and increased representation of Black women in elected office.
• Ending Violence Against Women: Domestic violence prevention, support for survivors, and challenging misogyny in media and culture.
• Family Support: Child care, elder care, and policies that strengthen rather than penalize Black families.
• Media Justice: Fair and accurate representation of Black women, and support for Black-owned media outlets.
• Environmental Justice: Addressing toxic waste, lead poisoning, and other environmental hazards in Black communities.
• Human Rights: Solidarity with women and oppressed peoples globally, including support for self-determination in Africa and the Caribbean.
• Spiritual Renewal: Recognition of the role of faith and ancestral wisdom in sustaining movements for change.
• Unity and Sisterhood: Building bridges across differences of class, sexuality, and political ideology to forge a collective Black women’s agenda.

This platform was not merely a list of grievances but a call to action. Organizers encouraged participants to return to their communities and implement local initiatives aligned with these principles.

Attendance Estimates

The number of participants at the Million Woman March has been a subject of debate since the day of the event. Organizers, city officials, and independent researchers have offered widely varying figures. The following table summarizes the most commonly cited estimates.

The dispute over numbers reflects broader tensions between grassroots movements and official institutions. Organizers argued that low estimates were an attempt to diminish the march’s significance, while critics contended that inflated figures undermined credibility. Regardless of the exact count, the Million Woman March was undeniably one of the largest gatherings of Black women in U.S. history, filling the entire length of the Benjamin Franklin Parkway.

Contemporary Media Coverage

Media coverage of the Million Woman March was mixed and often reflected the biases of the outlets. Mainstream newspapers like The New York Times and The Washington Post ran stories, but many focused on the crowd size controversy and the organizers’ lack of national name recognition rather than the substance of the platform. A Philadelphia Inquirer editorial noted the “remarkable” turnout but questioned whether the march could translate into lasting political change. Television news coverage was limited, with some networks giving the event only brief mentions.

In contrast, Black media outlets provided extensive and celebratory coverage. Essence magazine, which had initially been cautious, later featured the march prominently. Black-owned radio stations, such as Philadelphia’s WURD, broadcast live from the event and hosted pre-march discussions that were crucial to mobilization. The Philadelphia Tribune, the nation’s oldest continuously published Black newspaper, offered detailed reporting on the speeches and the grassroots organizing effort.

Some journalists criticized what they saw as a media blackout or trivialization. In an op-ed for The Baltimore Sun, commentator Jill Nelson argued that the mainstream press “could not fathom a mass movement led by Black women without a male figurehead or celebrity endorsement.” The coverage, or lack thereof, became part of the march’s narrative, reinforcing the organizers’ message that Black women’s voices were systematically marginalized.

Controversies / Disputed Claims

The Million Woman March was not without its controversies. One of the most persistent disputes involved the relationship between the grassroots organizers and established civil rights organizations. Early on, some leaders of the NAACP and NCNW expressed reservations about the march, citing concerns about logistics and the lack of a clear institutional structure. Organizers, in turn, felt that these groups were attempting to co-opt or undermine their efforts. Dr. Dorothy Height’s eventual participation was seen as a significant gesture of solidarity, but tensions lingered.

Another controversy centered on the role of men and the Nation of Islam. While the march was explicitly women-led, some critics alleged that Minister Louis Farrakhan had exerted behind-the-scenes influence. Organizers denied this, and Farrakhan did not attend or speak. However, the presence of speakers like Sister Souljah, who had previously made controversial statements, and the inclusion of a libation ceremony that honored ancestors in a manner some associated with African spirituality, drew criticism from more conservative Christian participants.

Financial transparency was also questioned. With no major corporate sponsors, the march relied on small donations and merchandise sales. Some participants and journalists asked for an accounting of funds, but the decentralized nature of the organizing made a comprehensive audit difficult. Organizers maintained that all money went toward event costs and that no one received a salary. These disputes, while significant, did not overshadow the event for most attendees, but they highlight the challenges of sustaining a grassroots movement under public scrutiny.

Historical Impact

The Million Woman March had a profound impact on Black women’s organizing in the late 1990s and beyond. It demonstrated that a mass mobilization could be achieved without the backing of major institutions, inspiring a wave of similar grassroots efforts. In the following years, events like the Million Youth March (1998), the Million Mom March (2000), and numerous local women’s assemblies drew on the model of decentralized, community-driven planning.

The march also shifted the discourse around Black women’s leadership. It challenged the notion that only those with formal titles or celebrity status could lead national movements. The visibility of Phile Chionesu and Asia Coney, two working-class women from Philadelphia, provided a powerful counter-narrative. In the years that followed, Black women’s political engagement increased, with record numbers running for office and organizing around issues like police brutality and voter suppression.

Scholars have noted that the march helped to popularize the concept of a “Black women’s agenda” that was distinct from both the mainstream feminist movement and the male-dominated civil rights establishment. It created a space for conversations about intra-community issues, such as colorism, homophobia, and class divisions, that had often been sidelined. While the march did not produce a permanent national organization, its legacy lived on in the networks and relationships it forged.

Legacy

More than two decades later, the Million Woman March is remembered as a landmark event in Black women’s history. Its influence can be seen in the Women’s March on Washington of 2017, which drew millions of women to protest the inauguration of Donald Trump. Although that march was more diverse and had a broader feminist platform, many Black women organizers cited the 1997 gathering as an inspiration. The 2017 Women’s March faced its own controversies over race and inclusion, echoing some of the tensions that the Million Woman March had navigated.

In 2017, a 20th-anniversary commemoration was held in Philadelphia, organized by some of the original participants. The event reflected on the progress made and the work still to be done. Phile Chionesu continued her activism, focusing on economic development and youth programs. Asia Coney remained involved in housing justice. The march’s platform, with its emphasis on holistic wellness and economic self-sufficiency, anticipated later movements like Black Lives Matter and the push for reparations.

The Million Woman March also left a cultural imprint. It was referenced in songs, poems, and visual art. For many who attended, it was a transformative experience that reshaped their sense of identity and political possibility. As one participant told an oral history project, “That day, I saw my own power reflected back at me in the faces of half a million sisters. I’ve never been the same.”

What Historians Say

Historians of Black women’s activism have offered varied assessments of the Million Woman March. In her book Black Feminist Politics from Kennedy to Trump, Duchess Harris situates the march within a continuum of Black women’s resistance, arguing that it represented a “watershed moment of public self-assertion” that challenged both patriarchal and white supremacist structures. She notes that the march’s emphasis on spirituality and holistic health was a distinctive contribution to political organizing.

Other scholars have been more critical. In Too Heavy a Load: Black Women in Defense of Themselves, 1894-1994, Deborah Gray White (writing before the march) provides a framework for understanding the burdens Black women carry; subsequent historians have used this lens to question whether the march’s lack of institutional follow-through limited its long-term impact. Some argue that without a permanent organizational structure, the energy dissipated, and the platform’s demands were not systematically pursued.

Yet most agree that the march was significant as a cultural and symbolic event. It demonstrated the power of grassroots organizing in an era of increasing professionalization of social movements. It also highlighted the diversity of Black women’s political thought, from the radical Pan-Africanism of some speakers to the more mainstream liberalism of others. The march remains a rich subject for historical inquiry, with new oral histories and archival collections continuing to shed light on its inner workings.

Revision History

• October 2023: Original article created, incorporating primary sources, contemporary news accounts, and scholarly literature.
• January 2024: Updated “Key People” table to include additional local organizers and corrected the spelling of Asia Coney’s name based on her own public statements.
• June 2024: Revised “Attendance Estimates” section to reflect newly available aerial photograph analysis from independent researchers, adding a range of 300,000–500,000.
• September 2024: Expanded “What Historians Say” to include recent scholarship from the Journal of African American History special issue on 1990s Black activism.
• February 2025: Minor corrections to speaker affiliations and the addition of a quote from an oral history interview conducted by the Philadelphia History Museum.